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7. Press reporting on Ayodhya
7.1 Reporting on Kar Seva
On October 30,1990 thousands of Kar Sevaks moved to the
disputed place in Ayodhya. They had somehow sneaked
through the impediments which chief minister Mulayam and
his security forces had put in their way. In fact, the
saga of how the people did it, is the stuff movies are
made of. Hiding in jungles, swimming across the river at
night, being caught and then escaping from prison to
move on to Ayodhya (as firebrand BJP MP Uma Bharati did,
making herself unrecognizable), it must have been quite
an adventure for the people who did it.
However, this adventurous aspect of the Ayodhya
development has not been given much attention in the
press. In fact, what was lacking rather systematically
from the reports, was an attempt to see the events from
the Kar Sevaks' side.69 In some places, attention
was
given to the political assessment of the events from the
BJP and VHP leadership's viewpoint. But mostly, Indian
journalists identified with the governmental or the law-
and-order viewpoint.
On the evening of Kar Seva day, Doordarshan gave a
totally streamlined news bulletin. It said nothing of the
storming of the building, nor of the climbing of the
domes or the planting of the flags, nor of the damage
done to the surrounding wall, nor of the way the police
had managed to drive the people back. It declared that no Kar Seva
had taken place, that the police had full control, that
they had to control a violent mob, that this violent
mob had tried to climb the domes and had tried to
plant flags on top of them. And it showed a heretic film
shot of the Babri Masjid still standing there, unharmed.
Then, an extremely boring queue of political leaders came
to declare that communal harmony must be maintained at
all costs. From a statement by a BJP spokesman, the part
on communal harmony was shown but not the actual BJP view
on the Ayodhya problem. Finally, a lot of attention was
given to human chains for communal amity in Delhi and
Kerala.
One sweet is delicious, but a bagful of them is just
nauseating. Fifteen minutes of this communal harmony
mantra was just insupportable, atleast in a news
bulletin. In no free democratic country is the news ever
so blacked out by streamlined propaganda. Although the
message drilled into the viewers' heads was a rather
harmless one, the news programme was formally a purely
Stalinist show. This replacement of news by government
advice to maintain communal harmony was of course
for the viewers' own good.70
Now the scandal is that some newspapers, which normally
champion the right to information, actually supported
this round of censorship. In a column titled Responsible
Censorship, Rajdeep Sardesai called the Doordarshan
version, including the statement by V.P. Singh,"blatant
untruth".71 What a stern condemnation, you
think. But
then he continues and starts justifying this lie for the
people's own good, "to shield viewers from the increasing
potency of Hindu nationalism". Those people who had
"expected [Doordarshan] to telecast Kar Sevaks climbing
the walls of the Babri Masjid" and who "expect
Doordarshan to be just a dispassionate observer of
events", have understood nothing of despotic secularism.
"They insist that the viewer's right to know should not
be interfered with in any way. Such a line of thought is
a victim of some diffused libertarian doctrine where the
right to know survives only in unvarnished, absolutist
form. However, transporting and adapting such western
concepts to the Indian scenario is unrealistic..."
This twisting of concepts to justify despotism, concludes
by claiming that censorship was necessary to "prevent our
right to information from spreading mayhem in the
country", because "on an emotive temple-masjid issue that
threatens to polarize the nation the electronic medium
cannot allow the people to live through symbols and
inflammatory images". So this censorship has prevented
riots ? One wouldn't say so, judging from mr. Sardesai's
own remark:"That the possibility of communal violence
erupting was great has been proved by subsequent events."
Without accepting his implied assumption that the
subsequent riots engineered by Muslim communalists in
Aligarh, Hyderabad and other places were consequences of
the Kar Seva, I do notice that mr. Sardesai's "subsequent
events" have not merely proved "the possibility of
communal violence". They have proved that this communal
violence was going to take place even after Doordarshan
censorship. Everybody knows that Doordarshan is telling
"blatant untruth", so rumors become the chief source of
information, and they are usually a lot more
"inflammatory" than a reliable and accurate news bulletin
would have been.72
On the newspaper front, there have been some more
startling events. When seven local U.P. dailies published
realistic estimates of the death toll on November 2,
instead of Mulayam's "sixteen", all issues were rounded
up from the bookstalls, and a number of scribes and
editors were arrested. Moreover, during the Kar Seva
week, journalists in U.P. were continually harassed and
prevented from doing their job. The Press Council, the
Delhi Journalists' Association, the Himachal Pradesh
Working Journalists' Union, and many other
journalists=92 organizations' Union, and many other
journalists' organizations, have strongly protested
against this attack on the press. On the other hand, some
organizations and ad hoc platforms have condemned the
U.P.papers for giving "highly exaggerated figures" and
otherwise "inflammatory" reporting. In other works, they
repeated the U.P. government justification for its anti-
press measures.
Another startling fact is that the English-language
papers refused to come up with the correct figures of the
Kar Sevaks killed in police firing. In the afternoon of
November 2, I was visiting someone who has connections
with a well-known daily. He called the office and was
told by one staff reporter that the death toll was
already 125. Now, if a reporter of a secularist paper
says 125 got killed, no one is going to make me believe
that the number is less than 125. Yet, the following day,
the headlines of the same paper put the death toll at 17.
I have inquired about the massacre among many people in
Ayodhya. Common local people, including eyewitnesses,
said invariably that thousands had been killed : two
thousand, five thousand. I guess that even eyewitnesses
were not in a position to count very accurately. However,
the different accounts given to me by hospital personnel,
policemen, Hindu activists, converge to a death toll of
about 400. The official death toll of 45 for the
different days of shooting together is quite untenable,
considering that the VHP cremated 76 bodies, of which the
ashes were taken in procession through India, while some
bodies had been taken in procession through India, while
some bodies had been taken for cremation by the families,
and many more had been collected and taken away by the
security forces (three trucks full, according to VHP
sources). The figure of 168 which the BJP gave the day
after, gives the correct order of magnitude, but probably
on the low side.
So, if some papers stick to figures below 20, they are
just telling lies. Some of them have been so adamant in
their misinformation campaign that they refused to
mention any other figure even when quoting from speeches
by BJP or VHP people, replacing"500 were killed" with " a
number were killed". Yet, it seems no one has had the
courage to file a plaint with the Press Council against
this blatant misinformation. On the contrary: two months
after the massacre, the Press Council has condemned the
dailies that gave three-digit figures (even if as low as
120).
Mani Shankar Aiyar has tried to ridicule Uma Bharati's
concern for the Ram bhaktas killed in Ayodhya, arguing
that the "real issue" is: what were they doing there is
the first place?73 After all, they wanted to break the
law and demolish the "mosque", didn't they? And if you
want to demolish a mosque, you deserve to be killed,
don't you ? Several press people I talked to, defended
the shooting with the same argument: after all, the
structure had to be saved "at all costs".
The point is not merely that these people overlook the
fact that normally the Kar Sevaks could have been driven
away with far less killing, and the other fact that the
VHP had declared it had no intention of demolishing the
structure. The point is that they are deadly serious when
they declare that hundreds (or for them, at least, some
twenty) of human lives are worth less than secularism,
here embodied in the brick structure. This means that they
contend that bricks can be the embodiment of some mental
projection, some god (in this case : Secularism, the
Merciful), which is the very principle of idolatry : a
material object becomes the archanavatar (worship-
incarnation) of a spiritual reality. But their idolatry
is of the barbaric type: this embodied principle of
theirs sometimes requires human sacrifice. The JNU
historians had once scornfully written that the Hindu
view is better expressed by the openness of the
Upanishads than by "worshipping bricks".74 But who is
worshipping bricks now ? Who is bringing human sacrifices
now to an idol of brick ?
If you keep this dispute in its proper historical
perspective, the ruthless anti-Hindu and pro-slaughter
stand of the secularist press becomes only logical. They
defend killing not just for the sake of a piece of
property protected by the law of the land: when the
police is communalized and guilty of atrocities.
Here, they defend killing of unarmed people suspected
(against the VHP's own assurance) of intending to "demol-
ish" a masterpiece of the Muslim campaign to exterminate
Hinduism. I must grant them consistency : it is indeed
logical that mass killing is resorted to in order to
honor and protect this brick idol of anti-Hindu fervour,
built for the god of Jihad by a mass-murderer.
To be sure, there are press people who honestly and in
good faith disbelieve the established historical fact
that the Masjid had forcibly replaced a Mandir. They
don't realize that the Masjid is a product of the most
cruel and violent communalism. They really believe it is
an innocent mosque stolen and singled out for demolition
by Hindu fanatics, and that it must be defended as the
nation's last stronghold against a Khomeini-like
religious dictatorship. A meta-press is needed to inform
these misguided press people.
7.2. Foreign press reporting
The foreign press has not added any extra facts or
perspective to the reporting on Ayodhya. It has mostly
copied the bias of the Indian press. Time Magazine gave a
not too unbalanced report, but quoted two of the JNU
historians without telling its readers that these are not
neutral academics but highly involved parties in the
controversy. Newsweek had done the same at the time of
the Shilanyas. Then, it had quoted Romila Thapar as
saying that "the BJP may be more interested in cow
protection than in people protection", without anyhow
putting this heavy allegation in perspective or hearing
the BJP's own stand.
This time, Newsweek gave an unbelievably biased report.
It simply did not mention the shot-out against unarmed
Kar Sevaks on November 2, following the Indian
secularists' line that you should grant the Hindus
nothing, not even their martyrs. But it did mention a
selected part of the Gonda carnage, a colorful
description of the murder of Muslims in Kanje Mau
(Gonda), concealing the fact that this carnage had
started with an attack on a Hindu procession.
This reporting on a riot without telling how it erupted,
is like starting the history of World War II with the
Allied aggression in Normandy or the bombing of
Dresden. Of course the bombings of Dresden and Hiroshima
were unjustifiable war crimes, but they are judged less
harshly because they were part of a war effort which had
been forced on the Allies by the Axis powers. Normally,
any report on a conflict, no matter how summary, relates
how it began, and who started it. If this is not done and
one act of violence is presented in isolation, then that
is a case of wilful distortion.
About the dispute itself, the foreign press has not re-
layed the Hindu viewpoint at all. Most papers and
weeklies have at no point informed their readers that the
disputed place is functionally not a mosque but a
flourishing Ram temple. It has continually given the
impression that the Hindus want to take a mosque (often
mistakenly called a Muslim "sacred place") from the
Muslims, the way Jewish fundamentalists have wanted to
take the mosques on the Temple Mount from the Muslims. In
fact, it is the BMAC and BMMCC who want to snatch a
sacred place from the Hindus, but hardly any foreign
reader has been informed of this. On the whole, the
foreign press has taken exactly the same attitude
(distortions and concealment and all) as the secularist
press in India. I have never seen before that all the
papers for weeks on end reported something that was so
diametrically the opposite of what was really happening.
This is at first sight very strange. The Western
readership has no love lost for Islam. It is not only
that Muslim terrorists have killed quite a few
Westerners, or that they have persecuted and put to
flight many of the remaining Christians in the Muslim
world, or that they continue to threaten Israel (with
which most Westerners keep sympathizing). The distrust is
deeper. Compare the uneasy reaction of Europeans when
they see a woman in burqa on their streets, with their
pleasant surprise when they see a woman in sari: that
tells the story in a nutshell. The Westerners' natural
sympathy would be with the Hindu rather than with the
Muslim side. Yet, almost all the Western papers have
chosen to blacken Hinduism almost as thoroughly as the
secularist Indian press has done.
The first reason is that the Western correspondents in
Delhi just don't know very much, and also don't feel the
need to find out more. Their work is not considered
important by their editors, because India is still
perceived as a backward and economically unimportant
country. Western correspondents in Delhi are very lazy. I
have been to some press conferences concerning this
Ayodhya affair (which involves principles, has generated
an unprecedented mass movement, and has toppled a
government),and not met any foreign press persons there.
In Ayodhya and in the offices of those very people that
could give authentic background information, again I did
not see any foreign correspondents. I don't know what
they tell their employers, but I can testify first-hand
that they are not doing any journalistic work here,
except for copying the Indian English-language papers.
The second reason is that they very uncritically swallow
that version of the facts which happens to reach them.
Since they hang out a lot with the westernized clique
that controls the media, education and the government,
they don't know better than that those people's viewpoint
is authoritative.
Here, one cannot fail to notice the utter failure of the
Hindu movement to present its case. They could have sent
a bundle of copies of relevant articles to the foreign
press corps, as well as some relevant books, like Hindu
Temples : What Happened to Them by Arun Shourie and
others. The VHP leaders have not even thought of the
importance of publicizing their case. Rather, with their
Janmabhoomi campaign they have unintentionally managed to
blacken Hinduism in the face of the world. They have not
cared to check whether they were getting their message
across. Their movement has behaved like a dinosaur with a
lot of muscle but little brain.75
The third reason why Western correspondents have sided
with the Nehruvian Babri Masjid advocates, is that they
still entertain the colonial attitude that those backward
Hindus have to learn the European civilized ways that
Nehru so far-sightedly tried to transmit to them. In the
wake of the Leftist-inspired wave of political anti-
colonialism of the last decades, a cultural anti-
colonialism has come up, a sympathy for other cultures
(which was new : Leftist anti-colonialism, following the
arch-colonialist Karl Marx, meant protest against the
too slow westernization of the Third World). But that
only concerns those cultures which have been beaten to
near-death (in the New World), or those of which we are
economically or physically afraid (Japan, Islam). When
the last remnant of a Native American tribe wins a court
case to reclaim ancestral burial ground, everybody
sympathizes. But when a culture really and substantially
asserts itself, not in terrorist attacks or export
surplus, but in its intrinsic otherness, then the old
colonial bias turns out to stand unshaken.
This anti-native and pro-westernizing bias is quite
systematically present in India reporting. It generally
takes the from of gross misrepresentation of Indian
culture. For example, time and again those correspondents
write to the homefront that there are still many dowry
deaths. Now everybody knows that dowry deaths typically
occur in the westernized circles (the dowries concerned
are seldom the traditional jewels, but mostly video-
machines etc.): they are not a traditional phenomenon
that still exists, but are a typical case of the
perverting and poisoning of a native custom by the
invasion of Western consumerism.76
I will refrain from giving some names of Western
correspondents who after years in Delhi didn't know the
first word of Hindi or any other native tongue, and
consequently limited their background information
gathering to some talks with the anglicized elite, not
realizing that the latter has been cultivating an utter
ignorance about Indian culture for decades. But I do want
to point out that the result is a very derogatory style
of reporting, reflecting not only journalist's
prejudices, but also the anglicized elite's utter
contempt for their indigenous culture.
Meanwhile in the Western news studios, indologists
have been invited to comment on the communalism issue.
But those people are steeped in art history (like
publishing books about Hindu temple architecture without
even mentioning that most samples are only indirectly
known since the Muslim rulers destroyed them) and similar
ancient stuff, and they too have the Times of India as
their only source for contemporary news. Moreover, with
all their orientation towards culture, they positively
dislike Hinduism, or an innocent Gandhian kind of
Hinduism, and they readily buy the secularist story that
an assertive Hinduism is not the "real Hinduism".
Finally, there is one more kind of India-watcher or
India-fan in the West, with a typical and remarkable
attitude to the Ayodhya affair: the "seekers". Some
people staying in India for spiritual things, and who
were told that I was writing about this Ayodhya affair,
immediately came out with their superior scorn for such
unspiritual quarrels : "What are those Kar Sevaks going
to Ayodhya for? To lay the second brick?"
What these people should realize, is that the
society which has allowed ashrams to flourish, has only
survived because it also had a martial component. Why are
they not going to Afghanistan for yoga? because Hinduism
in Afghanistan got militarily defeated and annihilated .
Because Islam, which in their own woolly world-view is
just as true as any other religion, has weeded out the
kind of Pagan practices that they come to India for. If
there is a part of the world left where the gurus can
continue their traditional, it is because Hindus have
fought. It is a non-violent part of the same martial
tradition, that today Hindus are asserting themselves in
Ayodhya.
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